Hume's work was admirably adapted to this purpose. It was philosophical and scientific in the best tradition of the Enlightenment. The facile domination of faction had been a commonplace in English politics for a hundred years, as Whig and Tory vociferously sought to fasten the label on each other. But the Scot, very little interested as a partisan and very much so as a social scientist, treated the subject therefore in psychological, intellectual, and socioeconomic terms. Throughout all history, he discovered, mankind has been divided into factions based either on personal loyalty to some leader or upon some "sentiment or interest" common to the group as a unit. This latter type he called a "Real" as distinguished from the "personal" faction. Finally, he subdivided the "real factions" into parties based on "interest, upon principle or upon affection.".
Federalist Papers Summary
At the same time, the parts are so distant and remote, that it is very difficult, either by intrigue, prejudice, or passion, myth to hurry them into any measure against the public interest." Hume's analysis here had turned the small-territory republic theory upside down:. Madison had found the answer to montesquieu. He had also found in embryonic form his own theory of the extended federal republic. In Hume's essay lay the germ for Madison's theory of the extended republic. It is interesting to see how he took these scattered and incomplete fragments and built them into an intellectual and theoretical structure of his own. Madison's first full statement of this hypothesis appeared in his "Notes on the confederacy" written in April 1787, eight months before the final version of it was published as the tenth Federalist. Starting with the proposition that "in republican government, the majority, however, composed, ultimately give the law madison then trip asks what is to restrain an interested majority from unjust violations of the minority's rights? Three motives might be claimed to meliorate the selfishness of the majority: first, "prudent regard for their own good, as involved in the general. Good" second, "respect for character" and finally, religious scruples. After examining each in its turn Madison concludes that they are but a frail bulwark against a ruthless party. When one examines these two papers in which Hume and Madison summed up the eighteenth century's most profound thought on political parties, it becomes increasingly clear that the young American used the earlier work in preparing a survey on factions through the ages to introduce.
His most amazing political prophecy, contained within the pages of Federalist 10, was that the size of the United States and its variety of interests could be made a guarantee of stability and justice under the new constitution. When Madison made this prophecy, the accepted opinion among all sophisticated politicians was exactly the opposite. It was david Hume's speculations on the "Idea of a perfect Commonwealth first published in 1752, that most stimulated James Madison's' thought on factions. In this essay hume disclaimed any attempt to substitute a political utopia for "the common botched and inaccurate governments which seemed to serve imperfect men so well. Nevertheless, he argued, the idea of a perfect commonwealth "is surely the most worthy curiosity of any the wit of man can possibly devise. And who knows, if this controversy were fixed by the universal consent of the wise and learned, but, in some future age, an opportunity might be afforded of reducing the theory to practice, either by a dissolution of some old government, or by the combination. " At the end of Hume's essay was a discussion that was of interest to madison. The Scot casually demolished the montesquieu small-republic essay theory; and it was this part of the essay, contained in a single page, that was to serve madison in new-modeling a "botched" Confederation "in a distant part of the world." Hume said that "in a large government.
Madison was convinced that lab the class struggle would be ameliorated in America by establishing a limited federal government that would make functional use of the vast size of the country and the existence of the states as active political organisms. He argued in his "Notes on Confederacy in his Convention speeches, and again in Federalist 10 that if an extended republic was set up including a multiplicity of economic, geographic, social, religious, and sectional interests, these interests, by checking each other, would prevent American society. Thus, if no interstate proletariat could become organized on purely economic lines, the property of the rich would be safe even though the mass of the people held political power. Madison's solution for the class struggle was not to set up an absolute and irresponsible state to regiment society from above; he was never willing to sacrifice liberty to gain security. He wished to multiply the deposits of political power in the state itself sufficiently to break down the sole dualism of rich and poor and thus to guarantee both liberty and security. This, as he stated in Federalist 10, would provide a "republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican hibernation government.". It is also interesting to note that James Madison was the most creative and philosophical disciple of the Scottish school of science and politics in the Philadelphia convention. His effectiveness as an advocate of a new constitution, and of the particular constitution that was drawn up in Philadelphia in 1787, was certainly based in a large part on his personal experience in public life and his personal knowledge of the conditions of American. But Madison's greatness as a statesmen rests in part on his ability to set his limited personal experience in the context of the experience of men in other ages and times, thus giving extra insight to his political formulations.
Almost every state, old and new, will have one boundary next to territory owned by a foreign nation. The states farthest from the center of the country will be most endangered by these foreign countries; they may find it inconvenient to send representatives long distances to the capitol, but in terms of safety and protection they stand to gain the most from. Madison concludes that he presents these previous arguments because he is confident that many will not listen to those "prophets of gloom" who say that the proposed government is unworkable. For this founding father, it seems incredible that these gloomy voices suggest abandonment of the idea of coming together in strength - the states still have common interests. Madison concludes that "according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being Republicans, ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists.". Analysis, james Madison carried to the convention a plan that was the exact opposite of Hamilton's. In fact, the theory he advocated at Philadelphia and in his Federalist essays was developed as a republican substitute for the new Yorker's "high toned" scheme of state.
What is a summary of Federalist 10?
Theoretically, those who govern should be the liverpool least likely to sacrifice the public good to temporary condition, but the opposite might happen. Men who are members of particular factions, or who have prejudices or evil motives might manage, by intrigue or corruption, to win elections and then betray the interests of the people. However, the possibility of this happening in a large country, such as the United States, is greatly reduced. The likelihood that public office will be held by qualified men is greater in large countries because there will be more representatives chosen by a greater number of citizens. This makes it more difficult for the candidates to deceive the people.
Representative government is needed in large countries, not to protect the people from the tyranny of the few, but to guard against the rule of the mob. In large republics, factions will be numerous, but they will be weaker than in small, direct democracies where it is easier for factions to consolidate their strength. In this country, leaders of factions may be able to influence state governments to support unsound economic and political policies as the states, far from being abolished, retain much of their sovereignty. If the framers had abolished the state governments, the opponents of the proposed government would have a legitimate objection. The immediate object of the constitution is to bring the present thirteen states into a secure union.
To madison, there are only two ways to control a faction: to remove its causes and to control its effects. The first is impossible. There are only two ways to remove the causes of a faction: destroy liberty or give every citizen the same opinions, passions, and interests. Destroying liberty is a "cure worse then the disease itself and the second is impracticable. The causes of factions are thus part of the nature of man and we must deal with their effects and accept their existence.
The government created by the constitution controls the damage caused by such factions. The framers established a representative form of government, a government in which the many elect the few who govern. Pure or direct democracies (countries in which all the citizens participate directly in making the laws) cannot possibly control factious conflicts. This is because the strongest and largest faction dominates, and there is no way to protect weak factions against the actions of an obnoxious individual or a strong majority. Direct democracies cannot effectively protect personal and property rights and have always been characterized by conflict. If the new plan of government is adopted, madison hopes that the men elected to office will be wise and good men, the best of America.
Declaration of Independence
Consequently, a form of popular government that can deal successfully with this problem has a great deal to recommend. Given the nature of man, factions are inevitable. As long as men hold different opinions, have different amounts of wealth, and own different amount of property, they will continue to fraternize with people who are most similar to them. Both serious and trivial reasons account for the formation of factions but the most important source of faction is the unequal distribution of property. Men of greater ability and talent tend like to possess more property than those of lesser ability, and since the first object of government is to protect and encourage ability, it follows that the rights of property owners must be protected. Property is divided unequally, and, in addition, there are many different kinds of property. And men have different interests depending upon the kind of property they own. For example, the interests of landowners differ from those who own businesses. Government must not only protect the conflicting interests of property owners but must, at the same time, successfully regulate the conflicts between those with and without property.
Ratification is federal, sources of power are both, operation is national, extent of powers is federal, and amending authority is both. Summary Written by donald Mellon Federalist Papers Summaries Index Page read The federalist Papers. Summary, madison begins perhaps the most famous of the federalist papers by stating that one of the strongest arguments in favor of the constitution is the fact that it establishes a government capable of controlling the violence and damage caused by factions. Madison defines factions as groups of people who gather together to protect and promote their special economic interests and political opinions. Although these factions are at odds with each other, they frequently work against the public interest, and infringe upon the rights of others. Both supporters and opponents of the plan are concerned with the political instability produced by rival factions. The state governments have harvard not succeeded in solving this problem; in fact, the situation is so problematic that people are disillusioned with all politicians and blame government for their problems.
the senators with two from each States, which is federal position. . The presidents powers come from a compound source where the State legislatures chose Electors to cast votes equal to the sum of senators and representatives which are counted by the president of the senate, and if no majority is reached by any candidate the house. From this aspect of the government, it appears to be of a mixed character presenting at least as many federal as national features. The operation of the government is primarily directly on the people thus national. . But the extent of the proposed government cannot be deemed a national one since its jurisdiction extends to certain enumerated objects only and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects. The last issue that of amendments is neither wholly national nor wholly federal. . The fact that States votes are required makes it federal but since a unanimous vote is not required that is a national characteristic. . so in summary the proposed Constitution is neither a national nor a federal constitution but a composition of both. .
But critics claim that they should also have preserved the federal form of government as in the Article of Confederation. . to determine if the character of the proposed government is federal or national we must look at business three objects; what is the foundation of its establishment, what are the sources of its powers and the operation and extent of them, and by what authority are. The establishment of the government is through a ratification process where decisions are made at the State level by officials elected by the people for that purpose. . The ratification is made by a single vote from each of the independent sovereign States that desired to be part of the new Union so that is a federal act. Any State not ratifying the constitution would not be a member of the Union. If the whole of the people voting a majority to ratify was required that would be a national act but that was not the case thus a federal act. The next relation is to the sources from which the government derives its powers. .
Timeline of the Essential Federalist Papers teaching
James Madison, the federalist Papers Summary no 39: teresa Madison. January 16, 1788, madison begins the candid survey of the plan of government reported by the convention by defining a republican form of government and then answering critics concerning whether the proposed plan is federal or national, that is, a confederacy of States. This important last point is the difference between States maintaining their sovereignty if federal. A union with direct control of the people if a national government. . A definition of republicanism is necessary because history has confused the issue. . A republic is a government that derives all its powers directly or indirectly from the great body of the people; and is administered by persons holding their offices during pleasure for a limited period or during good behavior. . A comparison of this definition to the individual State constitutions shows that for the most part States have a form of republican government.